Taking On The Burden Of History

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They appropriated the allegedly exclusively German virtues, built up an independent system of fraternity in the financial sector, and also responded in the cultural sphere.

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Henryk Sienkiewicz, the subsequent Nobel laureate, wrote the historical novel Krzyzacy [The Crusader] to some extent in response to Freytag, insofar as the Germans were represented as invaders and exploiters. Even if the Prussian Poles threw off some of their complexes as a result of these economic and cultural achievements, the fear of the Germans and the colonizers remained an obsession in the interwar period, and were confirmed for the worst during the period of occupation. Today, the affluence divide, deepened above all by WWII, awakens a sense of inequality.

In Poland, Germany still enjoys the reputation of a more orderly, more developed, and wealthier nation, which because of its power nevertheless remains fearsome.

YHC - The Burden of History on Modern Politics in Yorubaland (Part 1)

It arises from a fear developed over the course of a century. It is up to politics and the public sphere in Germany how this fear is handled. A possibility would be an internal elucidation by the German Federal Republic of the legal system regarding claims to property by former expellees. Nevertheless, the expellees have received partial compensation for their lost property in the east since the s, which could in fact be made repayable if their former property were turned over to them. It would be possible with this calculation to persuade many of the plaintiffs in Poland or soon at the EU level to withdraw their claims.

Just as important would be not to set up the Zentrum gegen Vertreibung in Berlin. It has become clear that the BdV, together with Erika Steinbach, has gathered sufficient funds to open an exhibition in Berlin in August One year earlier, Steinbach even announced at a press conference that she had secured the Michaelskirche in central Berlin as a location for the memorial centre and the permanent exhibition. However, a short while later the Cardinal of Berlin, Georg Sterzinski, announced that he considered the centre to be ill-timed and would therefore not be making his church available.

Moreover, the recent exhibition opened in August of was perceived relatively warmly by the media, so the public mood might change in favour of Steinbach. One of the underlying problems of this exhibition is that in recent years, the terminology of the expulsion has mutated into a catch-all concept for all kinds of victim histories around the end of WWII. It subsumes the evacuations by the National Socialists as well as the flight from the Red Army, the expulsion between the end of the war and the Potsdam Agreement as well as the contractually sanctioned forced re-settlement after August This drawing of equivalences is therefore already questionable, since behind flight and expulsion hide various destinies.

As mentioned, the National Socialists were too late in giving the evacuation order in many regions, in order to use the German civilian population as a buffer against the advancing Red Army. However, those who did find their way into the West in good time, such as the many higher party functionaries and members of the social elite, mostly got off lightly. In comparison, the expulsion according to the terms of the Potsdam Agreement was more organized, above following further agreements at the beginning of between the Allies and those states in central eastern Europe.

Flight and expulsion is by no means one and the same thing, therefore; aside from which, the biographies before and after the traumatic loss of home also differ according to the region of origin. Sudeten Germans faced different experiences and conditions under which to start up again after than, for example, East Prussians or Silesians. What the expellees associations do have in common, however, is that former Nazis and Greater German nationalists were often able to assume leading positions within their ranks, including the long-serving chairman of the Sudeten German association, Lodgman von Auen.

As the historians Detlev Brandes and Jiri Pesek unearthed, before the war Lodgman von Auen was author of a text in which he encouraged the mass re-settlement of Czechs. This chapter of the past of the expellees has been left untouched. During the multiple commemoration ceremonies in , the pronounced fixation on the expulsion experience sidelined the period after the expulsions as well as history before It is one of the tasks of historical research to broaden this perspective again.

Particularly the period after the expulsion remains largely in the dark.

An explanation for the continued lamentation at their fate could be that in postwar Germany no one really wanted to listen to them — that they could not communicate their tragic experiences, or if they could, only among themselves. This means, however, that expulsion and the lack of critical attention paid to it is primarily an internal problem of German postwar society and only secondarily an international problem between Poland and Germany or the Czech Republic and Germany.

In Poland and the Czech Republic, there is also relatively little known about the postwar history of regions in which expulsions took place. Historians are facing a fundamental challenge. On the whole, the concepts of remembrance and memory depend upon what a national collective imagines when it thinks back over the past. The German expellees remember places that have long since ceased to be German, in just the same way that Polish expellees refer to places that today belong to Ukraine or Lithuania.

Also, the lost cultures of the east can in many places be understood as mixed cultures rather than imprinting them with their national stamp. Moreover, the impact of collective memory is transnational. Helga Hirsh might respond stubbornly that national remembrance and mourning must continue to be possible. However, as soon as this is taken up by the media, it automatically becomes transnational.

A dialogue on history can develop out of this, one that no longer revolves around irreconcilable memories, but, in international collaboration, looks for explanations as to why the twentieth century produced so many catastrophes and what can be learned from that today. The foundation in September of the European network Memory and Solidarity was aimed in this direction; here, Poland, Germany, Slovakia, and Hungary will research collaboratively the history of totalitarian regimes, and thereby the war and forced migration.

It remains to be seen, however, how far the new Polish government will continue to support the project and whether the Czech Republic and Austria will become substantially involved. In the future, historical research about the expulsions should overcome the currently fashionable fixation on individual destinies, for the reason that the original sin of modern history, the Holocaust, is characterized by the fact that, as an individual, one could not escape persecution.

A similar principle applied to the expulsions, which did not depend on which nationality a person aligned themselves to. The journey of the first almost always led through Theresienstadt to the gas chambers of Auschwitz.

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Even if this is not openly admitted, that can be the underlying intention of the commemoration. One wants to be victim both in private and in the global discourse, in Germany too. However, it is precisely the Poles who lived during the occupation and their children and grandchildren who know who the culprits were. For Germany, there is no escaping this history, no matter how much present-day Germans might long to. Ruth Henning ed. The most accessible version is online: www. Dokumente aus polnischen Archiven.

Double burden

Marburg Spiegel spezial from Konfliktgemeinschaft, Katastrophe, Entspannung. Skizze einer Darstellung der deutschtschechischen Geschichte seit dem Jahrhundert , ed. Max Weber o. Professor der Staatswissenschaften in Freiburg i. Schriften und Reden , ed. West Germany and Eastern Europe , Oxford Plaschka et al. Aktuelle Forschungen , Vienna , xiii-xviii, here xvii. All rights reserved. This work may be used, with this header included, for noncommercial purposes. No copies of this work may be distributed electronically, in whole or in part, without written permission from Transit. Americans are no wiser than the Europeans who saw democracy yield to fascism, Nazism, or communism.

Our one advantage is that we might learn from their experience. Now is a good time to do so. Read more. Die Erinnerungsforschung emanzipiert sich zunehmend von der Nationalgeschichte. The Habsburg Monarchy lasted five centuries. It was both solid and flexible; it aroused genuine affection among its citizens.

But it vanished in a puff of smoke. Should we expect the European Union, shallow in history and unloved by those it serves, to do better? West German foreign policy after was reconciliatory but conducted over the heads of the eastern European populations who had suffered most during the war. Now, Germany can be said to have atoned for its wartime misdemeanours; yet, in the European political climate post-May , eastern European experiences of subjugation are often glossed over.

France's criticism of Poland's involvement in the occupation of Iraq as knee-jerk pro-Americanism overlooked alliances formed during the Cold War.

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Meanwhile, Poland's objection to a museum in Germany commemorating Germans expelled from Poland was interpreted as anger at the violation of a national taboo; the real reason was the Polish belief that Germany istelf had not made corresponding concessions. Timothy Snyder argues that such rifts could be avoided by a version of European history that included both western and eastern experiences. Then, solidarity rather than national prejudice would motivate public opinion on matters of European politics. Why does it matter that the Russian parliament has just declared the Katy?

Forest and four other sites. Yet, according … Read more. In the coming years, analysts of current affairs are certain to examine and debate the "Orange Revolution's" significance for Ukrainian and more broadly post-Communist politics and societies. Guided by their own views of "", historians will be rethinking and rewriting the history of Ukraine. In so doing, they will remain faithful to a long-established academic tradition: as everybody knows, "" inspired generations of scholars, both in Russia and in the West, to search for — and find — in the history of nineteenth-century Russia the origins of the Bolshevik revolution.

Taking On The Burden Of History By George M. Van Sant

We are witnessing a world-wide upsurge in memory. Over the last twenty or twenty-five years, every country, every social, ethnic or family group, has undergone a profound change in the relationship it traditionally enjoyed with the past.


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This change has taken a variety of forms: criticism of official versions of history and recovery of areas … Read more. Therefore, younger age groups still see National Socialism and not the fall of the Berlin Wall in as the central historical event. German … Read more. Not that anybody bothered to ask whether the local inhabitants wanted or even needed any "civilizing," of course. They were seen as so undeveloped that they couldn't possibly know what was best for them.

Yeah, it was a pretty dark time for anyone who believed that a person was just a person—no matter where she lived or what she looked like. We're glad we've moved past the horrors of colonialism, but its legacy of racism is one that—centuries later—we've unfortunately been unable to get rid of entirely. All rights reserved. Cite This Page. Logging out…. Logging out Braunau is almost a town like many others on the Austrian-Bavarian border.

It's definitely not a label that pleases most of the 17, Braunauers, who have struggled with this burden of coincidence since They have lived with the stigma of coming from the same place as the man responsible for the murder of millions. They know that it's sometimes easier to tell people that they come from "near Salzburg.

A stone as tourist attraction. But Prexl doesn't have the Catholic leader on offer and instead struggles to deal with continuing interest in Hitler. Like all the others, Prexl sends her down the street, through the city tower, then it'll come up on your left-hand side, watch out for the stone of admonition.